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Canadian Instituta for Historical Microraproductiona / Inatitut Canadian da microraproductiona hiatoriquea 

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Additk>nal comments / 
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Thit inni n filnnd at tiM raduction rnio chtdctd btkrn/ 

Ci docufiwnt tst film* au taux de raduction indiqui ei-dauoin. 












Tha copy lilmad her* has bMn rapreduead ttiank* 
to Iha ganaroaitv of: 

National Library of Canada 

L'axamplaira fttmi fut roproduii grteai la 
OAntroaM da: 

Blbllotltiqua natlonala du Canada 

Tha imagaa appaaring hara ara lha bait quality 
poaaibia eoniidaring tha condition and logibillty 
of tha original eepv and In kaoping with tha 
filming contract apacificationa. 

Original copioa in printad papar covara ara filmad 
baginning v»ith tha front eovar and anding on 
tha last paga with a printad or illuairatad impraa- 
sion. or iho back eovar whan approprlata. All 
othar original copioa ara filmad baginning on tha 
firat paga with a printad or llluatratad Impraa- 
aion, and anding on tha laal paga with a printad 
or llluatratad impraaaien. 

Tha laat racordad frama on aach microfiche 
shall contain tha aymbol •^ I moaning "CON- 
TINUED"), or tha aymbol V Imaaning "END"!, 
whiehavar applioa. 

Mapa. platas, charts, ate, may ba filmad at 
diffarant raductien ratios. Thosa too larga to ba 
antlraly includad in ona axposura ara filmad 
baginning in tha uppar laft hand eornor. laft to 
right and top to bottom, as many tramas aa 
rcquirad. Tha following diagrama illuatrata tha 

Las imagas suivantas ont *t* raproduilas avae la 
plus grand soin. eompta tanu da la condition at 
da la naitat* da Taaampiaira film*, at an 
eonformit* avoe laa eonditlona du oontrat da 

Laa aaamplairaa origlnaux dont la couvanura an 
papiar aat Imprimta sont filmas an commancani 
par la pramiar plat at an tarminant soil par la 
darnlAra paga qui comporta una amprainia 
d'Improaalon ou d'illuatration. solt par la sacond 
plat, salon la oaa. Toua laa autraa axamplairas 
originaua sont filmts an common^ ant par la 
pramiira paga qui comporta una amprainta 
d'impraasion ou d'illuatration at an tarminant par 
la darnidra page qui comporta una talla 

Un doa symbolaa auivania spparaltra sur la 
darnidra imaga da ehaqua mieroficha. salon la 
eaa: la symboio — » signifia "A SUIVRE". la 
symbola ▼ aigniti* "FIN". 

Las cartaa. planchas. tablaaus. ate. pauvant *tra 
filmda * daa taua da rdduction difftrants. 
Lorsqua I* doeumant aat trap grand pour lira 
raproduit an un saul clichd. il ast film* a partir 
da I'angia supdriaur gaucha. da gaucha * droiia. 
at do haut an baa. an pranant la nombra 
d'imagas ndcaasaira. Las diagrammoa suivants 
illuatrant la mdthodo. 

1 2 3 








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*'"'<'' ©f lhl« edition thm mere printed biu 
four hundred and fifty copies, '-rhts 
Bank is number (^ ^ 


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.■/../r.. ■/ 'y V . 

-SpeHUin<f of the author of tho folUnvin^- pa^-es. 
The Fmrlh Kstn/f, o! \'i«. Vork, savs ; 

■'Thf eJitor-in-cfiK-r of the Engl,- is St. fbiir 
McKehvay. A.M.. LI , I)., whose fame a.s ;, „,it., 
..Mil spc-ikcr is ,o ssc!! li,io%vn as to .scarccK iie.-J 
further meiuK.iv lie «..s born In Coliimbi.-!' Mo., 
but caiiif cast iiiih !iis pan-iUs in 18;, j. jl,. 
studied Law, and u. iSt'i was admiufj to'tiu- bnr. 
harly in iilc hesh wcd.-u, inclination for newspaper 
work. Whii,. .It s.-hool he became a correspondent 
for unumK-rof papers, amonj,' them XMi K.igte, 
and it was ..,, that paper that ho did his iirsi real 

".After linishinf; his sUidies he joined the Ea^U 
.staff and soor. Kcame its \Vashinf.;!o,i correspond. 
ent, after which he was eaUed to Brewklyn to write 
editorial leiiders. In 1S7S he became editor of the 
•Albany Ar^s and fillo.l that position until 188^ 
when the death of Tho....,s Kinselia, then editor o' 
the EagU. caused a vacancy whicli he was in\ ited 
to fill. 

" The imporL^nt duties of hi.- po.siiion have iH-ei; 
aHIv filled. \f McKelway broufc'ht with him ;. 
wide range of ! ■•Ied4,'e of national .afTairs and of and matlets. As a publ.c speaker, whether 
on serious or social occasions, he ,s as coastantlv 
in re4nest as any man in this country." 

•//. X^.v. //...W,./,,.,., 

f/ /■/ V. 

Speaking of the author of the following paj-es 
The Fourth Estate, of New Vork, sajs : ' 

"The editor-in-chief of the ^«^/,. is St. Clair 
McKelway, A.M., LI.. D., who.e as a writer 
and speaker is so well known as to scarcely need 
further mention. He was born in Columbia, Mo., 
but came east with his parents in 1853 He 
studied law, and in 1866 was admitted to the bar 
Ear y m life he showed an inclination for newspaper 
work. While at school he became a correspondent 
for a number of papers, among them the EagU, 
and .t was on that paper that he did his first real 

"After finishing his studies he joined the Eagle 
staff and soon became its Washington correspond- 
ent, after which he was called to Brooklyn to write 
editorial leaders. In 1878 he became editor of the 
Albany Argu, and filled that position until ,884 
when the df h of Thomas Kinsella. then editor of 
Xh^ Eagle, c. used a vacancy which he was invited 
to nil. 

" The important duties of his position have been 
ably filled. Mr. McKelway brough. with him a 
wide range of knowledge of national affairs and of 
men and matters. As a public speaker, whether 
on serious or social occasions, he is as constantly 
in request as any man in this country." 

f I 

^ ff'ff i'frf 



u.m -.n . rcig^iuy „ the mvlHnchol* 

rt-KardiU with cHime on this mU^ .,f 
' '"V sc.. .. a ,ne„J .„• Amonca. A. that ,i,nc a 
IritfiiJ ,„ MOfil WAN a friend itidecd. Ttu- I •„!.,„ 
w- U:kccJ in batti^ with slavery. The 
ot t ,c So.-.h wns in fordjjr intervention. Ma,.> 
conditions to fV,vor ,> mov«i in the- n.inJ-r.T ,],; 
r.mporor t-f the Krwch. H^ wlshe.! to J..^...,. 
J-scon.ent and »„rcM », ho,nc by the ^rlan.or .„ 
»rio,y A., .-.rno of nis »....ui„ed in Mt-xu , 
^ ^^^■'■tr.a. PM„.e ... a u,„,p^d .v.„„^ ^.^,^_,^, 
t.r^'.'t> be i,rou^,|„ v,u, .he na.i,- ,s 
!» ,u!ewith theSoiifh, the Union had b.-en di- 
v'lvv-d and much of (l,.s continent partitioned 
■ rnon^' Inipt-i-ial powvrs. 

Motive or prc.cxi for Kni-land to jo,n w„|, .hcn, 
«.-<s n.-. «anti„.^^ CoMon, onr „aple. was th.- 
pabulum of hc-r manufaau-cr.. -he export of 
thai „,so which i, w;.,s made was a latere par; of 
her commerce. t)cpri^„.J„„ „f i, onfonxd ^dle- 
.<*^ss and want on her nidu-trial miilor.s. Americ „, 
pol-tics IB 8li parties was marked by a deference 
'o :. ,' .„ .„,re ^-hid; .soujjht to make the United 
•'■■'' "'' political wrong.s and the 

*" ■' ' ^«fes for whi^h. through .cu- 

tnrw-,, th* U,v,ernme... of Great Kritain was he'.! 
re.^.,-- ■-. ., , ^,^_. nolh,.,- in rh.. h^o oI 

^'rA ,,;, 

From tkt 





titth, tt)oi. 

I'EEN VICTORIA, whose ccNsaiion 
from sovereignty is the melancholy 
burden of the news of to-day, was 
reijarded with cause on this side of 
the sea as a friend of America. At that time a 
friend in need was a friend indeed. The Union 
was locked in battle with slavery. The necessity 
of the South was in foreign intervention. Many 
conditions to favor it moved in the mind of the 
Emperor of the French. He wished to depress 
discontent and unrest at home by the glamor of 
glory abroad. An army of his sustained in Mexico 
an Austrian Prince on a usurped throne. C' .'.& 
Great Britain be brought with the Latin nations 
to side with the South, the Union had been dis- 
solved and much of this continent partitioned 
among Imperial powers. 

Motive or pretext for England to join with them 
was not wanting. Cotton, our staple, was the 
pabulum of her manufacturers. The export of 
that into which it was made was a large part of 
her commerce. Deprivation of it enforced idle- 
ness and want on her industrial millons. American 
politics in all parties was marked by a deference 
to a class here which sought to make the United 
States the avenger of political wrongs and the 
attorney of racial hates for which, through cen- 
turies, the Government of Great Britain was held 
responsible. There was nothing in the way of 

intervention by England but the identity of the 
Confederacy with slavery. Yet the United States 
were then under constitutional and politic bonds 
not to be or to seem against slave.y as such, but 
only against a rebellion which it had begun. 
Unless history has been displaced by romance, 
Mr. Gladstone, whose inherited wealth came 
through trade in the products of slaves, and other 
ministers were not averse to the Napoleonic 
scheme against liberty at that time. 

That the Queen by a rare, by an almost re- 
volutionary revision of the despatches of her 
Cabinet, an act to iwhich she was encouraged by 
her noble and tactful consort, changed the pro- 
position of intervention from decision to debate, 
with the result that it perished, has become part 
of the settled belief of this nation. And nearly 
forty years afterward, when demonstration was 
given of the friendly attitude of Great Britain, 
under the same Queen, towards the United States 
in our late war with Spain, this country was pro- 
foundly affected with gratitude because of the 
proof of renewed friendship and of the quickened 
memory of old. It is not too much to say that 
the stability of the Union, the abolition of slavery, 
and the displacement of hate by love between the 
North and the South were appreciably due to the 
course of the Queen, when her action was a vital 
co-efficient in the balances of liberty on the earth. 

It is this which gives the human touch and the 
sense of personal sorrow to every American who 
realizes that as a fact or force or Bgure of sove- 
reignty this woman has passed into history. 

Great events and long duration made her reign 
signal. At her birth the Bourbon was on the 
throne of France. During the last thirty years of 
her political period France was a Republic. At 
the beginning of her regal work Prussia was a 
third-rate power, and Germany a discordant series 
of inconsequent Imperial asteroids. Austria was 
the dominant figure on the Continent, Italy was, 
as Metternich put it, "but a geographical expres- 
sion," and Russia was a slumbering and inert 
barbarism affected by anti-Moslem hates which 
periodically stirred the theocratic despotism super- 
imposed upon it. 

This woman saw the German Empire pass from 
the hands of its founder into those of the husband 
of her oldest child, and thence into those of her 
grandson. She beheld the Bourbon, the Orleans 
and the Napoleonic traditions revive and perish 
across the Channel. She witnessed the decadence 
of Austria and the transfusion into it of new life 
from the coarser and stronger blood of Hungary. 
She observed the evolution of Italy into unity and 
the disappearance of the temporal power of the 
Pope. She noted the expulsion of Spain from 
every foot of this hemisphere, whereof Spain at 

one time claimed the major part. Those of her 
blood shared in the middle or autumn period of 
her life the thrones of Germany, of Greece and 
of the new Russia in the world. There was no 
court in Europe that could meditate an act un- 
friendly to Great Britain, without a sense of 
personal affront to the woman whose blood coursed 
in the veins of its rulers. And this woman also 
coincided with the growth of the United States to 
an area, to a population, to a power, and to 
resources that transcended all dreams of possibility 
the year she bf n her long and illustrious agency 
in the affairs c. the two centuries into which she 

What a notable companionship of soldierhood 
and of statesmanship was hers ! From Melbourne 
to Salisbury, from Wellington to Roberts, the 
time is not short and the line is long. Those who 
made, preserved and increased the greatness of 
England were her ministers, her councillors and 
her friends. The names of Liverpool, of Brougham, 
of Peel, of Palmerston, of Russell, of George 
Grey, of Derby, of Disraeli, of Bulwer, of North- 
cote, of Malmesbury, of Clarendon, ofCranbrook, 
of Macauley, ofTrevelyan, of Devonshire, of Ash- 
bourne, and of others in their likeness, suggest 
the ability and the wisdom that were at the service 
of her mind. And her reign in law coincided with 
the reign in letters of Wordsworth and of Freeman, 

of Tennyson and of Froude, of Carlisle and 
of Martineau, of Stanley and of Arnold, of Thack- 
eray, of Dickens, of Darwin, of Huxley, of Tyn- 
dall, of Max MuUer and of Ruskin, and of num- 
berless others who make the Victorian era strong 
and fine in the domain of the highest of the arts. 
Hers was a queenship which honored literature, 
invention, authorship, the stage, the pulpit, sculp- 
ture, oratory, exploration, philanthropy and valor 
with the awards and rewards which strengthen 
empire by constantly allying with its continuance 
the labor and the lustre, the genius and the great- 
ness of the best life, the best thought and the 
best deeds of its times, in the persons of the nat- 
urally great. 

The fascinating record of her reign could be 
indefinitely prolonged, merely by calling the roll 
of her contemporaries in great departments of 
thought and of work. Every name would lift to 
the eye a splendor of achievement. While every one 
of them did well and nobly in himself and by himself, 
the doing of every one of them drew ease and 
eminence from the favor of this sovereign to the 
finer sides of creative power in her land, in her 
time and in the world. 

But the life of the Queen is also told in the 
broadening of the base of liberty in her days. Few 
could vote when she began. Even less than few 
could not vote when rule dropped from her aged 


hands. Suffrage was continuously broadened. 
Representation was systematically adjusted to 
righteousness. Parliaments that were the creation 
of influence or of corruption surely yielded to 
Parliaments more sensitive to opinion than any 
other legislatures in the world. Oppressive 
imposts and duties and unfair monopolies and 
privileges gave way to honest exactions that 
.ommended the supreme power of taxation by the 
just use of it ^'iward property franchises, income 
and bequests. Education was made compulsorj- 
as well as universal. Protection with its iniquities 
gave way to free trade with its equities. The 
working class took its place w'ch the ballot by the 
side of the upper class ant*, of the middle class. 
Catholic emancipation and Jewish enlargement 
were effected. Commission by purchase was 
abolished. The purity as well as the freedom of 
the ballot was assured. The idiocies of chancery 
practice were destroyed. 

Abroad, the achievements paralleled those at 
home. In this woman's time the holdings of 
Great Britain in North America and in the south- 
ern seas were knit into a federation of freedom. 
The frontier of the empire in India was rectified in 
the interests of the securities of civilization. The 
Suez Canal was made a highway for the commerce 
of the world. Egypt was saved from herself, and 
the Soudan was redeemed from fanatical barbarism. 

mm » 

The flag of England on the Congo, in Ihe 
Indies, in Burmah and in China enforced respect 
for the claims of religion and of exchange, and for 
the way and sway of right and light. An informal 
union of action, based upon a sincere conscious- 
ness of sympathy and on an honest oneness of 
purpose, was noticeable between the United States 
and Great Britain, and, as already shown, had its 
stimulation and its ratification in the equal personal 
regard of both countries for the Queen. 

The duration of her reign had a great relation 
to the Imperial policy of her Empire, which proved 
splendidly compatible with personal and with local 
freedom. For sixty-four years to have been ruled 
by the Queen, to have acclaimed the Queen, to 
have toasted the Queen, to have been commission- 
ed by the Queen, to have served the Queen, and 
to have sung "God Save the Queen" made the 
Queen the habit as well as the idol of her subjects, 
and idealized to them the institutions and the flag 
which were personified in her. Ministries went, 
and came, and recurred. The Queen named, 
surveyed and survived them all. Nearly four 
generations worked and worshipped, married and 
were given in marriage, lived and loved and did 
and died in her time. Her personality was the oldest 
and thereby became the strongest fact in the 
Imperial system. And her dignity in it, her con- 
duct in it, the claims to love and to homage which 

closed in her, as mother, wife and Queen, gilded 
with the perfection of propriety and sanctified with 
the holiness of affection, her thought for her peo- 
ple and their thouglit of her. What here we mean 
when we haii the Union or the flag, in Great 
Britain and all over that Empire, whose drum 
beats follow and salute the sun in his journey 
round the world, was meant and signified and 
signalized when the subjects of the Queen honored 
her name and glorified her goodness. We to 
whom government is more a legality than a per- 
sonality cannot understand this without travel. 
And even then it is not easy to understand. But 
the understanding of it has been made somewhat 
easier by the assaults alike upon the lepublic and 
upon the Empire or recreants or invertebrates 
who would make them smaller and keep them 
small. It was the privilege of this Queen, as it 
has been the privilege of our President, to be 
identified with events which set off those who love 
their country from those who doubt and defame it. 
Victoria did more than any sovereign that ever 
lived to harmonize monarchy with liberty, and to 
make royalty more regnant than itself by its com- 
patibility with the best results of republicanism. 
Personal freedom is nowhere more secure than in 
her Empire. The equality of all before the law is 
nowhere more complete. The justice, the certainty 
and the celerity of law are nowhere more apparent 

and more real. Toleraiion of speticli, rij^ht of 
petition, immunity of tliouj^lit, peacefulness o 
assemblage, efficiency of immeasured complaint 
against grievaii^-es are nowliere more evident. 
The lines of distinction are drawn on social planes, 
not on law planes. The press, the bar, the hus- 
tings, the forum, the courts, the marts and the 
homes arc free to a degree oftener the boast 
than the fact of lands and systems deemed to be 
more democratic. Much of this was due to the 
serenity of her court amid and to the superiority 
or indifference of her court unto political division' 
factional disturbances or any sort or measure of 
popular agitation. Her court was as neutral as 
calm amons,' them all. The Commons were the 
safety valve and the House of I.ordc was the brake, 
while over all, respected by all and revered by all 
was the Queen. No constitutional sovereignty 
was more truly a personal one. No absolutism 
had less power, yet no Governor or President 
more skilfully veiled the maximum or suggested 
but the minimum of power. Now only the barest 
outline and the merest suggestion of her reign 
must content the mind. Space has to be made for 
and approach has to be created to the full real- 
ization of the import of that reign by the help of 
reflection and by the factor of time. 

The world sympathizes with Great Britain 
because of a condition which has suspended the 

activities of Governments and converted the feel- 
ing of mankind into solicitude and into sorrow. 
The world wishes for Great Britain the trust and 
the fortitude which are there severely strained. 
The world wishes for the kindred of the Queen, 
and for all her people, all the aids of condolence and 
of religion which they so sorely need. The world 
wishes for itself the wisdom, the calm and the 
strength to adjust, within each and among all of 
Its great divisions, the forces and habits of thought 
and of action to the changed considerations 
wrought by a .stupendous event. 

Fmm the 





Hit, iqtit. 

MPLIi coiniiient, in the A'«-'/r as well 
as ill other papers, has been made 
on the events and the duration ot the 
rei{rn of the gucen. Intclli>jcnt 
readers have discriminated between what was 
directly due to her and that with which her period 
of power coincided. When that account is 
straightened, the larger credit due to progress and 
to civilization does not affect the still large account 
due to Victoria herself. 

The kingdom over which she ruled has had an 
experience of stupid, of bad and of weak mon- 
archs within times history calls modern. The 
comparison of their r.igns with that of the Queen 
suggests the large influence of the throne on gov- 
ernment, upon which the fashion of reviewers is to 
rate its influence as slight, as well as on society, 
over which its influence is rated as absolute. The 
concentration of power under the Third George 
and the Fourth in the hands of rapacious and 
reactionary ministers was not accidental. The 
revolt against that tendency, amounting almost 
to revolutionary demand for the recognition of 
rights and for the relief of wrongs, under the 
Queen's immediate predecessor, the sailor king, 
was not accidental. In the case of the last two 
Georges, long wars abroad silenced reforms at 
home, but the spirit of the court, working down 
among the people, made politics stupid and sodden ; 

while the conduct of George the Fourth 
made society itself take on his preference for the 
animal vices. 

When William IV. succeeded, the wrongs re- 
dressed by the reform bill had themselves created 
the irresistible demand for it. That ruler learned 
that something had to give way and that the 
something was not the people, but the throne and 
the lords. The recourse of his ministers to a large 
increase of the peerage, to pack the upper house 
for reform, was revolution ui.der the form of law. 
It was effective, but had it not been, a larger 
creative draft wouM have been drawn on the same 
force. When iron shutters became a necessary 
protection to the house of the Iron Duke, all knew 
that the people were in earnest. A hero was 
humiliated, but liberty was broadened and imper- 
ialism was forced to adjust itself to freedom and 
to suffrage. Under neither of the last twoG»orges 
were conditions such as to make that surely 
possible. Under William IV. they were such as 
made that certain. Occurrence of it eased the 
ways for th- young Queen. Her reign concurred 
with the evolution of rights. Her character and 
conduct made that concurrence natural. 

The character of the Queen not only made her 
agreement with the new order of opinion easy, 
but her youth, modesty, dignity and piety made 
It gracious and made her people's love the crown 

o( her crown. Never a premier in her time was 
an offender a(;ainst the principles of her life. Not 
a place at her court was occupied by a debatable 
character. Not an influence at that court needed 
defense, explanation or antidote. The tone of 
government was raised with the tone of society in 
a land of defined classes in which society holds 
the final trusts of power. This concurred with 
her marriage for love, with the birth and her own 
nurture of her nine children, with the independent 
healthfulness and simplicity of her home life, with 
her sorrow under affliction, with her fortitude 
under suffering and her unaffected sympathy with 
the suffering of others. She was an intensely human 
and absolutely exemplary and sincere "mother, 
wife and queen." 

The effect of this for more than sixty years 
attached Britons to imperialism. It made imper- 
ialism reconcilable with liberty. It commended a 
practical and immemorial system to the most prac- 
tical people in the world who would rather make 
what ought to be out of what is than seek for it 
by an experiment at more drastic processes. Any 
one can enlarge on the little power of the throne 
on government. Any one can glibly, too glibly, 
say the monarch reigns, but does not govern. The 
truisms or the platitudes to such or like effect can 
be rung, until the changes on them are exhausted. 
But no publicist entitled to respect for knowledge 

is tin.'iwarc thiit the Queen was a constant and 
powtrtiil part ol' the government. Her pergonal 
influence was conclusive with party rule, not 
against it. The throne accepted the verdict of every 
election, but every cabinet inodified every pro- 
gramme by the ascertained judtfmcnt of the Queen 
upon it, and every appointment of importance was 
commendable to her or the idea of it was aban- 
doned, whether in navy or army or in state or 
church. Hers was a relffn which sin|;ularly united 
an elastic attitude toward democracy with an 
assertion of the, royal initiative or assent as tena- 
ciously maintaiiied as it ever was by any of her 
stubborn ancestors. Thus the primacy and power 
of royalty in which Britons delight were harmon- 
ized will) the prof>Tess of actual liberty and with 
conformity of g-ovcrnment to opinion on which 
Britons insist even more resolutely than Americans. 
If the private station had been hers, if the white 
light that beats upon a throne had in her case 
been exchanged for the protective shade of dom- 
estic life, a student of her character and of her 
faculties would have found that her personal 
greatness resided in the uniform excellence and in 
the fine equilibrium of all her qualities, and could 
be explained by the pre-eminence of none of them. 
The Queen was not a genius, but the Queen made 
no mistakes of judgment. The Queen was not an 
accomplished writer, but wrote with accuracy and 

Rood taste, and appreciated the best literature. 
The Queen was not a musician of rare skill, but 
only the highest anj truest music was liked by 
her. The Queen was not a political diviner, but 
knew just what the people would have or would 
"stand." The Queen w*» not fluent, but others' 
fluency never misled her. The Queen was not only 
a mistress of statecraft, but she also kn^w the 
straight avenue to the hearts of her subjects, and 
statesmen encou.. red in her intuitions better than 
their wisdom, while demagogues realized that 
devices came to naught in her mind. Her power 
to say no words till others had spoken, to post- 
pone decision till reflection had intervened, to 
prefer simplicity to artificiality, sense to sentiment 
and tactful truth to insincere glitter, made her 
mcapable of flattery and rarely subject to its spell 
from others. Wise, true, simple yet stately, 
consistent, conscientious, devout, reverent, dili- 
gent, considerate, faithful to friendship, affection- 
ate to kindred, grateful, observant, tenacious of 
prerogative but loyal to law, the Washingtonian 
ZnT ^"m l*"'"'"'' °^ •'" "■«" «"d admirable 
Xr^Ti ^''"'l T'^^ ^'' paramount in any 
sphere. They made her occupation of the greatest 
throne m the world more grateful, more helpful 
tnl"^"'^ '"&n'fi'--ant to a people whom she neither 
feared nor fawned on, but whom she always 
respected and whom she served as well as ruled' 
han . was ever made by any of her predecessors 
mi.- nearly thousand years of their past.